But just as the magazine was gaining traction, it was silenced, banned in December 2006 after its 10th issue, which focused on the role of humor in Moroccan society.  The offending article, written by young journalist and blogger Sana Al-Aji, shared some of Morocco’s most popular–and common–jokes dealing with class, society, and of course, religion.  It was the few jokes dealing with religion that were deemed particularly offensive, resulting in a campaign by Morocco’s religious right to take down the magazine, and ending with the authorities doing just that. The magazine was suspended for two months and Al-Aji, along with editor-in-chief Driss Ksikes, were fined and given three-year suspended sentences.

During the magazine’s absence, publisher Ahmed Reda Benchemsi, who also serves as the editor of TelQuel, ensured the magazine would not be forgotten by adding an insert into French-language weekly.  By March 15, 2007, Nichane rebounded, landing back on newsstands and for the next three years, the magazine was in many ways a success, a best-selling liberal magazine with a unique reach due to its use of darija.

At the same time, Nichane’s rocky beginnings were only a small indication of the troubles it would face down the road.  During its four years of existence, the publication repeatedly faced censure: its publisher, Benchemsi, was sued by the government for allegedly “lacking respect for the King” (the trial remains on hold), and three of its issues were seized, with two burned by police, causing massive financial losses for the magazine.

Sadly, today, Nichane’s legacy, its triumphs and its struggles, come to a close, as publisher Benchemsi announces the magazine’s closure.  In the end, it wasn’t the magazine’s legal troubles, but an advertiser boycott initiated by the royal-owned ONA group, a massive holding company that dominates the Moroccan economy.  Despite the publication’s massive popularity, the TelQuel group lost over $1 million. Explained Benchemsi in a press release, “this financial bleeding had to be stopped.”

As documented by the Committee to Protect Journalists, Morocco has seen a backslide in press freedoms over the course of the past few years, following a period of relative openness at the start of Mohammed VI’s reign. From the crippling damages imposed on three dailies for criticizing Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi to the imprisonment of Al-Michaal editor Driss Chahtan for publishing speculations about the health of the King, press freedom in Morocco has experienced a staggering phase of regression in the past year alone.

The latest restrictions on the press should give the international community pause.  As a close ally to the United States, Morocco is frequently posited as a bastion of freedom in the Arab world, and in many ways it is: the country is home to a vibrant independent press, with over 600 daily and weekly publications.  And yet, these independent publications must adhere to strict red lines–taboo topics include the royal family, the Western Sahara, and Islam–or risk punitive measures.

In reality, Morocco is a fickle ally;  it craves the appearance of modernity, but kills the very tools–a free press, strong democratic institutions–that could transform appearance into reality.  The government of King Mohammed VI does not shut down publications outright like its predecessor, preferring instead to find new and creative ways to stifle press freedom.  This time, the irony lies in the use of a very modern tool: the boycott power of a business consortium.

As a result, the monarchy has failed to deliver the promise of a healthy, progressive society that values its citizens.

Recommended:

The Atlantic – Morocco’s Largest Arabic Weekly to Fold Under State Pressure

The Arabist – Morocco’s Nichane folding

Yesterday, in a Washington Post op-ed entitled, “The case for spreading press freedom around the world,” he made the case for spreading press (and Internet) freedom globally, a sentiment I typically agree with, assuming it’s done right.

Utilizing a forthcoming “press-freedom manifesto” by Lee Bollinger, Ignatius argues that “‘America’s “Manifest Destiny’ in the 21st century is to extend to the world the standards of our own First Amendment.” Though there are subtleties to that argument that I might disagree with, generally speaking, I agree with Ignatius (and by extension, Bollinger), that it’s in the best interest of the United States to support press and Internet freedom globally.

But as the old adage goes, such sentiments must start at home.

As I’ve written before, the U.S. often acts as a de facto
censor toward other countries when it comes to certain technologies. Recently proposed HR 2278, for example, would block certain satellite TV stations not only from US consumption, but (were the satellite providers to follow U.S. diktats) from their intended audiences as well. And while the Department of Treasury recently loosened restrictions barring certain downloads from netizens in Cuba, Iran, and Sudan, Department of Commerce restrictions still make basic use of certain Internet sites and tools nearly impossible for citizens in Syria.

Ignatius notes that private companies are often affected by other countries’ censorship, but fails to mention how his own government affects private companies’ ability to remain open in other countries.

If you ask me, the U.S. needs to walk the walk before it starts talking the talk.

Lest this seem like a simple case of poor leadership or low readership, one must first understand why Le Journal is suffering financially. In 2006, Le Journal was ordered to pay MAD 3 million ($370,000) in damages following a defamation case brought forth by Claude Moniquet of European Strategic Intelligence and Security Center. Le Journal had criticized a report by the organization on the Western Sahara for closely toeing the Moroccan government’s official line.

Jamaï had come under fire before; earlier that year, following the publication of the Danish cartoons that negatively depicted the Prophet, Le Journal had issued a special report, re-publishing one of the cartoons, inked out as not to add fuel to the fire. Still, protesters gathered at the magazine’s Casablanca headquarters. Le Journal was also shut down by authorities twice between 2000 and 2005.

Following the 2006 defamation case, Jamaï left Morocco and headed to the United States, where he became a Nieman Fellow at Harvard for a time, completed a Masters in Public Administration at Harvard’s Kennedy School, served as a visiting scholar at the University of San Diego, and wrote for Newsweek’s venerable PostGlobal. In 2009, he returned to Morocco to rejoin Le Journal. Less than a year later, Le Journal faces closure for its lack of funding, brought about by numerous palace attempts to stifle its voices.

Le Journal, and another Moroccan weekly, TelQuel, are essentially why I learned to read French. Few English-language sources on Morocco are available, and those that do exist tend to follow the government’s official line. The two daring (and often competing) French weeklies do not, which is why they’ve suffered under Morocco’s repressive media environment. Le Journal often took the high road over gossipy TelQuel, however, taking the government to task on its many promises, questioning the government’s stance on the Sahara, and uncovering human rights abuses.

Like Issandr El Amrani points out, the closure of Le Journal does not alone indicate Morocco’s slide backwards. The arrests of bloggers Bashir Hazzem, Mohammed Erraji, and Boubaker Al-Yadib, of Facebooker Fouad Mourtada, of countless journalists, should speak for themselves. Yet, Morocco continues to maintain an appearance of moving forward, especially to the United States, which proudly touts Morocco’s Mudawana and subsequent other new rights to women as evidence.

This is an issue that cannot, must not be ignored. Morocco, in case I don’t say it enough, is a beautiful place. I spent more than two wonderful years there, and would still happily go back, despite its faults. But in order for Morocco, for any country, to continue down the road of progress, free expression is non-negotiable.

Shameless plug: For a collection of essays on press freedom in Morocco, look no further than Talk Morocco’s December issue.

Observers of China’s Internet filtering practices have long been anticipating how China would fulfill those promises to the IOC. The options were few and clear:

1. China would open the Internet during the Olympic period
2. An open enclave for foreign journalists would be created
3. China would break its promise

Unsurprisingly, China has so far not honored its promises. Not only do the government’s monitors continue to filter hundreds of sites; the press center for foreign journalists offers the same filtered version of the Internet.

With opening day of the Games only a week away and more web sites become accessible,OpenNet will continue to monitor China’s filtering practices. In particular, we will monitor Olympic coverage to examine how coverage within China differs from that accessible from outside the country.

For up-to-date coverage of China’s filtering practices, during the Olympics and beyond, check OpenNet’s China page frequently.

Originally posted on OpenNet.net